State of the Occupation Report 2025

58 Years of Occupation, The Two-Year War in Gaza

The two years since October 7 have been marked by major escalations in the scope and severity of human rights violations and breaches of international law in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem: widespread killing and violence, unprecedented destruction, starvation, displacement, intensified occupation, and restrictions on freedom of protest.

Fundamental values such as the sanctity of life, universal human rights, respect for the rule of law and the laws of war, and accountability for violations, have been compromised to a degree that cannot be rectified without thorough investigations and genuine acceptance of responsibility.

The information presented in this report has been rigorously collected, verified, and cross-referenced through sustained efforts. It is difficult to read and absorb. Still, we, the signatory organizations, hope you will engage with it and join us in calling for action and for the redress of the injustices it exposes.

The report introduction

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Gaza Strip

Overview

The two years of war in the Gaza Strip have been marked by intense harm to Gaza’s civilian population and serious violations of international law and have wreaked death, destruction, starvation and deprivation on an unprecedented scale. On October 10, 2025, a ceasefire went into effect, and the IDF withdrew to an area comprising roughly 58% of Gaza’s total territory. While the number of deaths has dropped, the humanitarian crisis persists, and recovery and reconstruction are expected to take years.

Starvation and the withholding of aid

The Gaza Strip faced an unprecedented hunger crisis during the years of war, driven by Israeli policies that included the destruction of the food and agricultural sector, the displacement of most of the population, closure of crossings, and protracted total bans on the entry of food. Even when aid was permitted, tight restrictions limited the movement and distribution of supplies, with quantities falling far short of actual needs. GHF distribution centers, operating since May 2025, failed to provide a meaningful solution. Chaotic conditions impeded access to aid, and more than 2,300 people were killed either inside the centers or while trying to reach them, most by gunfire from soldiers or guards. In August, the UN declared a famine and emergency in the districts of Deir al-Balah and Khan Younis. By October 7, 2025, 461 deaths related to malnutrition had been documented. While the ceasefire brought some improvement, food supplies remain well below what is needed.

Forcible transfer

At the height of the fighting, approximately 86% of the Gaza Strip was designated a closed military zone or placed under evacuation orders. As a result, and due to the systematic destruction of buildings and infrastructure, at least 1.9 million residents, about 90% of the population, were forced to leave their homes, with many displaced repeatedly even from temporary shelters. As the war continued and the territory in which civilians were permitted to remain shrank, many IDPs reported extreme difficulty finding shelter, owing to severe overcrowding and acute shortages of adequate supplies. These conditions were exacerbated by prolonged restrictions on the entry of humanitarian aid, including tents. Despite official announcements of “humanitarian zones” designated for residents’ safety, these areas were themselves occasionally attacked, resulting in civilian casualties.

Following the ceasefire, the Israeli military has maintained control over approximately 58% of the Gaza Strip. Despite political discourse about the transfer of Palestinians out of Gaza, the ceasefire agreement stipulates that Gaza residents will not be expelled and that Israel will neither resettle nor annex the territory.

Healthcare

The collapse of the healthcare system has been a central factor in Gaza’s unprecedented humanitarian crisis since the very beginning of the war. The healthcare catastrophe intensified during the war’s second year, in the shadow of hospital bombings and attacks on medical teams and emergency services. More than 1,580 medical professionals were killed and hundreds more were detained. In addition, the restrictions imposed by Israel on the entry of humanitarian aid have led to an acute shortage of medicines, equipment, medical devices, and fuel. The extensive damage to the healthcare infrastructure, alongside famine and the spread of disease, is expected to continue claiming victims for years to come. Even if the restoration of Gaza’s healthcare system begins immediately, it is expected to take many years, during which the population will only have limited access to medical services.

Freedom of movement

Gazans’ right to freedom of movement has been heavily restricted for years, with restrictions drastically intensifying since the beginning of the war and especially after Israel took control of Rafah Crossing in May 2024. Most requests to exit Gaza, including for medical treatment, education, or family reunification, are denied or stalled, with some approved only following court petitions. At present, Israeli authorities allow exit in very limited numbers for patients and their attendants, individuals with foreign citizenship or residency, and holders of visas or entry permits to third countries. Nonetheless, even among those who fall within these limited categories, many remain trapped inside the Strip.

Lack of accountability, transparency and judicial oversight

Monitoring of the military’s law enforcement system reveals a lack of interest in properly investigating alleged war crimes or examining decisions such as the use-of-fire policy. There is grave concern that, as has been the case so far, most of the inquiries and investigations launched in the wake of the war will focus only on lower-ranking personnel and end, mostly or entirely, without indictments, and that the civilian and military policymakers and leaders will not be held accountable for their policies.

During the war, the High Court of Justice reduced its intervention in humanitarian petitions which, in practice, enabled government policy to be carried out even at the cost of harm to civilians.

Physical destruction

Over the course of the war, buildings and infrastructure were systematically destroyed: about 85% of buildings and 77% of roads were damaged; and 89% of water and sanitation infrastructure collapsed, causing shortages of potable water and outbreaks of disease. Most of the population is now dependent on water supplied by tankers. Additionally, 87% of farmland sustained damage such that food production across the Strip was decimated. The supply of electricity from Israel was cut off most of the time, fuel imports were restricted and sometimes halted, and generators could barely operate, disrupting life-saving services.

Israel created a perimeter covering about a third of Gaza’s total area, razing residential areas and farm fields to the ground. Hundreds of thousands lost their homes and livelihoods. As a result of bombings and destruction, Gaza is buried under tens of millions of tons of construction debris. Numerous cultural and heritage assets were also damaged. Gaza’s reconstruction, if and when it begins, is expected to take many years.

Deaths and injuries

As of October 7, 2025, the UN, using data from the Gaza Ministry of Health, reported 67,173 dead in the Gaza Strip, including 20,179 minors and 10,427 women, and 170,203 wounded since the outbreak of war. Approximately 10,000 remain missing. In total, around 10% of Gaza’s population has been killed or injured in the war. According to IDF Intelligence estimates, roughly 83% of those killed were civilians who did not take part in hostilities. Numerous testimonies describe Israel’s extensive and unlawful use of Palestinians as human shields, exposing them to danger and depriving them of liberty.

Photo by Yousef Zaanoun, Activestills

Introduction

Human rights violations and disruptions to daily life in the West Bank have intensified. The government continues to advance de facto annexation, channels funding to settlements, enables the establishment of illegal outposts, and backs settler violence that forces Palestinian communities from their homes. Increased military activity in the northern West Bank has caused large-scale destruction, forced residents to flee their homes, and has been accompanied by more permissive rules of engagement. The ban on Palestinian workers entering Israel, the denial of farmers’ access to their land, and severe movement restrictions are deepening the economic crisis in the West Bank. Under U.S. pressure, formal annexation legislation has been frozen, but the policy is being implemented in practice through the transfer of powers, bureaucratic measures, and resource allocation.

Military activity in the West Bank

Since October 7, 2023, 1,001 Palestinians, including 210 children, have been killed in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. These high figures are linked to relaxed open-fire regulations, the adoption of combat practices from Gaza, and escalating settler violence. Operation Iron Wall in the northern West Bank led to the displacement of about 31,900 residents, the destruction of entire neighborhoods and infrastructure, and accelerated demolitions carried out without due process. Instances of unlawful use of Palestinians as human shields have been recorded, along with reports of pillage by security forces. Past data show that most complaints against soldiers are not investigated and that indictments are exceedingly rare. Additionally, contrary to official policy, the military does not automatically investigate every case in which Palestinian civilians are killed by soldiers.

Settler violence and related displacement

Between 2023 and 2025, and particularly since the outbreak of the war, the frequency, scope, and severity of violence by Israeli civilians, almost all of them settlers, against Palestinians and their property in the West Bank, spiked. Organized raids on villages and communities have become more common, and the establishment of dozens of new shepherding outposts has significantly escalated the violence. These attacks have resulted in injuries, extensive destruction, dispossession, and dozens of Palestinian fatalities. Around 3,000 people have been forcibly displaced and dispossessed of their land, roughly 45% of whom are children. Settler violence is state-backed: security forces often provide protection to the assailants and generally fail to intervene to stop attacks; police investigations are negligent and rarely, if ever, result in indictments; and violent settlers enjoy explicit support from government ministers and Members of Knesset.

Restrictions on freedom of movement

Movement restrictions, which were dramatically tightened at the outset of the war, with immediate negative effects for most of the Palestinian population, further intensified durin the second year of the war amid the military operation in the northern West Bank. Palestinian travel on main roads is now almost entirely barred or requires passing through numerous checkpoints and enduring long traffic jams. Many Palestinian villages and communities have been effectively encircled by gates and a mix of permanent and ad hoc physical barriers.

In the Seam Zone, tens of thousands of Palestinian farmers have been cut off from their lands. More than 100,000 Palestinian workers have been banned from entering Israel for the past two years, causing severe economic harm, while entry of foreign nationals into the West Bank is subject to increasingly stringent restrictions.

Punitive house demolitions

In addition to “operational” and administrative demolitions (for permit-less building), the military also carries out punitive house demolitions against the families of Palestinians suspected or convicted of security offenses. Essentially, this is an official policy of punishing innocents, whose effectiveness is questionable. It is collective punishment, which is prohibited under international law and contradicts the basic principle of Israeli law that no one should be penalized for the acts of others.

Blocked humanitarian aid

A new registration mechanism for international humanitarian organizations gives Israeli authorities sweeping power to block humanitarian operations based on the political positions of organizations or their staff, including criticism of Israeli policy in Gaza and the West Bank. In the wake of the events of October 7, UNRWA activity was banned in Israel, a move that will severely curtail the agency’s operations in the West Bank as well. The blow to humanitarian aid compounds the ongoing damage to the Palestinian economy and further weakens the Palestinian Authority’s already limited capacity to provide basic services to its residents.

Annexation and structural changes to Israeli control

Pursuant to the policy of Israel’s 37th government, and under cover of the war, the West Bank is undergoing a structural transformation toward de facto annexation. This includes transferring powers from the military to civilian actors under Minister Bezalel Smotrich (the Settlement Administration), weakening the military legal advisor, and rapid settlement expansion via establishment and retroactive approval of outposts, “state land” declarations, massive funding for settlement development, and discriminatory planning and building enforcement against Palestinians. Additional measures include the assumption of powers in Area B, the resumption of settlement of land title procedures, and the use of heritage and archaeological sites as tools for land takeover. The result is a systematic violation of Palestinians’ rights and the entrenchment of institutionalized discrimination against them, as part of the move toward de facto annexation.

Photo by Oren Ziv Activestills

East Jerusalem

Introduction

Despite holding permanent residency or citizenship status in Israel, Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem have long faced systematic discrimination, which has intensified during the war. Basic municipal services such as education, water supply, infrastructure repairs, and waste collection are not provided consistently, if at all, and widespread road closures majorly disrupt the daily lives of tens of thousands. Plans for the construction of new settlements in East Jerusalem and the surrounding area are moving forward, demolitions have reached record levels, and the threat of dispossession and displacement of entire communities is mounting.

Planning, construction, and demolition

In 2024, plans for about 11,000 new housing units were approved citywide, with less than 10% allocated to Palestinian neighborhoods, home to about 40% of the city’s population. Recent changes in proof-of-ownership procedures, especially tying them to SOLT, have led to a sharp decline in plans advanced by Palestinians, from about 100 per year to zero in 2023 and seven in 2024 .

Meanwhile, demolitions in East Jerusalem reached an all-time high in 2024, with 255 buildings demolished, including 181 housing units. In Silwan alone, 68 units were destroyed, resulting in the displacement of an entire community. The plan to transform al-Bustan into the King’s Garden Park signals the impending expulsion of about 100 more families and the creation of a contiguous Israeli bloc in the city.

Infrastructure and services

Despite being required to pay municipal taxes like all city residents, Palestinians in East Jerusalem remain underserved by the municipality. Roads and sidewalks go unpaved or unrepaired, recurring drainage and sewage problems cause repeated flooding, waste collection is inconsistent, and environmental hazards are unaddressed. For example, in Kafr Aqab, the water supply for tens of thousands was drastically reduced due to bureaucratic obstacles, a situation partially rectified only after legal action was taken.

Education: While there are a total of 107,290 students enrolled in Arab schools in East Jerusalem, the school system has 1,461 fewer classrooms than needed to accommodate tens of thousands of students. Ahead of the 2025-2026 school year, only 20 new classrooms were added. The closure of UNRWA schools has also left hundreds of students without solutions. These shortages drive a persistently high dropout rate in East Jerusalem.

Old City Basin

Archaeology continues to be used as a tool for eroding Palestinian rights by appropriating sites, and erasing the city’s diversity and casting it as a city significant exclusively for Jews. Ongoing excavations in Silwan, the promotion of the cable car project, and tourism development in the Valley of Hinnom disrupt daily life. During the annual Flag March, tens of thousands of Jewish youths marched through the Old City, chanting racist slogans and attacking Palestinians. Thousands prayed on Temple Mount, violating the status quo, a practice that has become more frequent since Minister of National Security Itamar Ben Gvir took office, and which he has encouraged. Meanwhile, Muslim access has faced restrictions since the outbreak of the war.

Movement and access restrictions

Approximately one-third of East Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents currently live on the other side of the Separation Barrier. With the outbreak of the war, all checkpoints were closed, cutting these residents off from their urban hub. Blockages continued through 2025. With the onset of Israel’s offensive on Iran in June 2025, all main roads into the neighborhood of At-Tur were blocked with concrete blocks without prior notice, and tens of thousands of residents of Kafr Aqab continue to face movement restrictions at the Qalandiya, Hizma, and Al-Jib checkpoints. As of January 2025, permits for expedited passage for individuals with serious medical conditions were halted, and while some have been reinstated thanks to legal action, policies remain inconsistent.

Deportation of Families of Terrorists Law

In November 2024, the Knesset passed a law empowering the Minister of Interior to deport any citizen or resident who is a first-degree relative of a terrorist, if they knew or should have known of the relative’s plans and did not take action to prevent it, or if they expressed support or sympathy for an act of terrorism. Unique to Israel, the law infringes upon the universal right to residency and citizenship and the array of rights associated with such status. Although it sets no clear standards for implementation, the Minister of Interior began enforcing it retroactively, eschewing accepted administrative norms.

Dispossession and settlement expansion

The settlement of land title (SOLT) procedure, renewed in 2018, serves in practice as a tool for dispossessing the Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem and transferring land to the state and private actors. Of the 2,200 dunams (approximately 544 acres) for which SOLT has been completed, only 1% have been registered under Palestinian owners. When cross-referenced, SOLT and settlement plan maps reveal that most of the registered land is in areas slated for new settlements or where settlements already exist. The eight blocs where registration has been completed lie in the heart of Palestinian neighborhoods and are designated for new settlement projects that are expected to create thousands of housing units for Jewish residents.

As of July 2025, 14 new settlements are planned in East Jerusalem: legal plans for four of these (Givat HaMatos, where construction has already begun; Givat HaShaked; Amat HaMayim; and East Har Homa) have already been approved, while ten more are at various stages of approval. Collectively, these settlements comprise approximately 10,000 housing units that have already been authorized, as well as plans for an additional 17,000 units. There are also numerous projects to increase the population density in existing Jewish neighborhoods beyond the Green Line, typically through urban renewal projects.

צילום: ג'מיל סנדוקה

Introduction

As soon as the war broke out, thousands of Gazan residents were detained under the Incarceration of Unlawful Combatants Law and held in military and IPS facilities in heretofore-unseen brutal conditions, even though many had no involvement in the October 7 attack. Other security prisoners and detainees also suffered a significant deterioration in prison conditions, which reduced the supply of food and medical services, and resulted in extreme overcrowding under a declared Incarceration Emergency, which forced many to sleep on the floor. Testimonies documented violence, humiliation, and the abuse of detainees. At least 94 Palestinian detainees and prisoners died by August 2025, and many were released with irreversible injuries, including amputated limbs. No soldier or prison staff has yet been indicted for a detainee’s death.

Deaths in military or IPS custody

At least 94 Palestinians, security detainees, and prisoners, died in Israeli custody from the start of the war until August 2025, in IPS or military facilities or in transit. More deaths have since been documented. The fate of hundreds of detainees from Gaza as well as the identities of some of the deceased remain unknown, and no information is provided to families. Causes of death include harsh detention conditions, food deprivation, lack of medical care, untreated injuries, and violence. As of October 2025, no soldier or prison staff has stood trial.

Detention conditions

Conditions in military and IPS facilities have deteriorated significantly since the war’s onset, affecting thousands in IPS facilities and hundreds in military detention centers. Systematic starvation has been documented: at Ofer, detainees were allotted only 1,000 calories per day; in IPS facilities, rations were often insufficient or inedible. In September 2025, the HCJ ruled that the food supply for prisoners and detainees may not meet the legal standard. The withholding of medical treatment has resulted in irreversible harm, including amputations, particularly at Sde Teiman, alongside untreated scabies outbreaks. Extreme overcrowding (less than 3 m² per person) and prisoners and detainees being forced to sleep on the floor continue, despite legal challenges. The deliberate degradation of prison conditions by the IPS constitutes a violation of the law and was implemented without proper authority. Following official visits to IPS facilities, the Public Defender’s Office issued a warning and unequivocally described detention conditions, particularly for security detainees and prisoners, as “inhumane.”

Abuse of detainees

Since the start of the war, thousands of Gazans have been subjected to particularly harsh conditions in military facilities: four-limb shackling, including during sleep and meals; blindfolding; prolonged enforced kneeling; prohibition on any contact with others; and denial of clean clothes or showers. Testimonies from released detainees, soldiers, and physicians point to severe physical violence, sexual abuse, degradation, and humiliation. Many were ultimately released as non-dangerous. Only one reservist stood trial for abusing detainees during transport from Gaza, and five soldiers were charged over serious harm to a detainee at Sde Teiman.

Forced disappearance and denial of visits

Since October 2023, Israel has denied the ICRC access to Palestinian detainees, in violation of the Geneva Conventions. Family visits for security detainees and prisoners from the West Bank and East Jerusalem have also been suspended, and Israel has stopped providing information about Palestinians detained before the war. The emergency detention hotline for Gazans was discontinued. An alternative e-mail address was provided only in April 2024 and proved ineffective. Record-keeping is poor. The military sometimes denies having detained individuals seen being arrested in front of their families, and months may pass before information is released.

Release of detainees to a war zone

Despite the total collapse of living conditions in Gaza, Israel continued to release detainees whose registered addresses are in Gaza to the Strip, including those arrested as undocumented in the West Bank or Israel, and people living outside Gaza for years, who have been unable to change their address due to Israeli policy. Release to Gaza contravenes international law and the principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits removal to places where life or liberty are threatened.

Lack of accountability, transparency, and oversight

Israeli military and IPS detention facilities operate without transparency, disregarding Israeli law and regulations and international legal norms. Insufficient internal and external oversight leads to impunity: around 90% of complaints against IPS staff are closed without action being taken. Only two military investigations into detainee abuse have led to indictments, and no one has faced trial over deaths in custody. Public Defender reports are censored, and petitions for information have failed to produce results.

Detention systems

Since October 7, 2023, thousands of Palestinians from Gaza have been detained under the Incarceration of Unlawful Combatants Law. Nearly 50% were released without any judicial proceedings in their case. An amendment to the law allows detentions for up to 45 days before seeing a judge, and 75 days before obtaining legal counsel. Families are not notified about the status of the detainee, and visits from the ICRC are banned. In July 2025, 2,854 people were held under this law; after the ceasefire, the number dropped to about 1,000.

Meanwhile, in September 2025, 3,577 people, mostly from the West Bank, were held in administrative detention without charge or trial, based on secret evidence, triple the average in previous years.

צילום: יוסי זמיר, שתיל-סטוק

Shrinking space for civil resistance to the occupation

Introduction

Freedom of association, freedom of expression, and freedom of protest are fundamental rights, and a necessary condition for the existence of a functioning democracy. The state may not deny or restrict these rights without justification, even in times of emergency or war. In fact, they become more vital during such times, serving as tools for public criticism of government policy and the use of military force. Violating freedom of expression and protest weakens democracy, narrows civil space, and enables the continued violation of human rights in the West Bank, Gaza, and within Israel itself, without scrutiny or restraint.

Violation of freedom of expression and protest against the war and occupation

During the war, attempts to curtail protests against the occupation, government policy, and the ongoing war in Gaza intensified. Demonstrations were unlawfully banned and violently dispersed; speech was increasingly criminalized, particularly for Arab citizens and residents; freedom of expression was suppressed in academic institutions; journalists, particularly Arabic-speaking or foreign journalists, faced harassment; and legislation was pursued to expand government control over the media. This combination of measures creates a chilling effect, obscures the scale of harm to the civilian population in Gaza, and undermines the foundations of democracy.

Promotion of legislation targeting civil society organizations

The Associations Bill seeks to impose a punitive tax on donations to NGOs from foreign governments and divest the courts of jurisdiction to hear petitions submitted by organizations funded by them. In a bid to weaken judicial scrutiny of government actions and silence critical organizations, the proposed law violates freedom of association, freedom of speech, and the right to access the courts. A later version proposes a 23% tax and grants exemptions only to organizations that pledge not to engage in political criticism. In other words, it intends to build a system built on loyalty to the regime that threatens human rights organizations.

צילום: יוסי זמיר, שתיל-סטוק

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The Partner Organizations

Head writer: Tal Raviv O’Regan

Steering committee: Noa Sattath, Ziv Stahl, Tal Steiner

Project Manager: Gili Meisler

Web development: Shahaf Cohen-Zeevi

Proofreading and online version: Tal Dahan

Arabic translation: Kifah Daghash

English translation: Maya Johnston

English editor: Rachel Druck

This report was written by 13 human rights organizations, some of which receive most of their funding from foreign political entities. Even during this period, we are proud of the support of those who believe, as we do, that the occupation is not an internal Israeli matter and who insist on preserving human rights. Lists of supporters are detailed on the websites of the organizations and on the website of the Registrar of Nonprofits.

State of the Occupation Report 2025

58 Years of Occupation, The Two-Year War in Gaza

Gaza Strip

Overview

Introduction

The West Bank

East Jerusalem

Introduction

Introduction

Detention and incarceration

Shrinking space for civil resistance to the occupation

Introduction

The Partner Organizations